How to Junk the IRS


By Mike Razar


Corruption of the IRS cannot be denied now that the Fifth Amendment has been invoked. The most hated agency of the federal government could be nearly eliminated, its function radically simplified and its discretion drastically curtailed. A new approach, computed on a transparent base consisting of compensation to labor and capital, rather than on "taxable income," promises lower rates, clarity, and utter simplicity. 

For many years conservatives such as Art Laffer, Steve Forbes, Newt Gingrich, and many others have supported a flat tax of some sort or other. Most of the detailed proposals are not really flat. They carve out preferences for investment income or charitable deductions, and fail to integrate the FICA (Social Security and Medicare) taxes into their plans.

Currently, workers pay around 15% of their compensation up to a ceiling of $115,000 in FICA levies. Above that, a Medicare tax of some 4% still gets paid with no ceiling.  Technically, half of all that is paid by employers, but the full amount is generated by the workers' salary.  Interactions with the rest of the tax code may lower the effective rate a bit, but 15% is good enough for rough calculations.

Of the millions of words in the tax code only a couple of thousand words or fewer are needed to describe the FICA tax rules. The corporate and individual tax rates are easy enough to describe, but the rules for determining taxable income -- the tax base -- are impervious to rational thought. The FICA base is easy to describe. All "earned" incomes such as salaries, wages, bonuses, etc. are in the FICA base. All "unearned" incomes such as rents, royalties, interest, dividends, and capital gains are excluded.

The individual income tax code provides brackets from 10% to 40%. The 25% bracket begins at around $35,000. It ends a bit above the FICA ceiling. A first approximation is that everybody pays at least 25% plus 15%  --  a total rate of 40%  --  on all their income up to the ceiling. Then they pay a bit less up to around double the ceiling, rising to around 44% at the top. That is remarkably flat already. It is obfuscated by the complex web of deductions and exclusions in the income tax code. Those tend to flatten out the code even more, bringing top effective rates to below the 40% level.

The Core Tax     

Most observers say they favor simpler rules, with fewer deductions and lower marginal rates. That is a good description of the FICA tax. In My Fair Lady, Professor Higgins sings "Why can't a woman be more like a man?" I heartily disagree. Vive la difference!  My song is "Why can't the income tax be more like the FICA tax?" That is a slogan for real tax reform!

Suppose we start by removing the ceiling on FICA and applying it to all unearned income as well as earned income and all benefits, including health insurance. Then reduce all the brackets above the ceiling by around 15%. This immediately flattens the bracket structure to a top rate of 25% or less. That would still leave the deduction nightmare and the preferences for capital gains and dividends intact, but would still leave the true total tax rate between 35% and 40%.

Even the lowest income taxpayers face an income tax of 10% to 15% on top of FICA.  As we have seen, most taxpayers face 25%. Suppose we add between 5% and 10% to the new extended FICA tax. Then everyone will pay a flat tax of between 20% and 25% on the full current FICA base with the ceiling removed and unearned income included.

Before liberals jump on the bandwagon, we abolish the entire rest of the individual and corporate tax code.  Change the name of the tax from FICA to "Core Tax." Suppose we set the full rate at 20%, up from 15%. Incredibly, this brings in close to what all three taxes do at present.  At 25%, it would bring in hundreds of billions more.

Since there is no longer a corporate income tax, issues of double taxation disappear.  Instead each employee has (say) 11% withheld from each paycheck. The company matches that with 11% of their payroll. If individuals receive any unearned income, they pay the 11% themselves.  It could even be withheld by the payer of dividends or interest. That seems to give unearned income preferential treatment. To remedy that flaw, the company paying dividends or interest is assessed the same 11% on those payments. It is a direct tax on use of capital. Both capital and labor get taxed at a single rate by payers and recipients.  Corporations would be indifferent to whether they spent a dollar on interest, paying a dividend, or hiring a worker. There are no preferences or government attempts to bias the market with its tax code. Effectively the core tax is shared between payers and payees, so that an 11% rate amounts to a 22% assessment on the base itself. The one small exception may be on capital gains, where there is really no payee.

Here are the core tax calculations for individuals:

1.            Enter your total unearned income.

2.            Multiply line 1 by 0.11.

3.            Enter money withheld or prepayments on your behalf by the payers of line 1.

4.            Subtract line 3 from line 2.

5.            Send payment or request refund.

Note that just as FICA doesn't appear on form 1040, compensation (including benefits) and the core tax withheld by employers is not on the individual's tax form. You will still get an informational form from your employer verifying the tax withheld.

Here are the core calculations for corporations:

1.            Enter your total payroll, including all benefits.

2.            Enter all dividends and interest paid to shareholders and creditors.

3.            Add lines 1 and 2.

4.            Multiply line 3 by 0.11.

5.            Enter any prepayments.

6.            Subtract line 5 from line 4.

7.            Send payment or request refund.

Analysis and Objections

The first serious objection might be that this is just another regressive flat tax, favoring the rich.  In fact the analysis so far confirms that it actually fixes the regressive parts of the FICA tax. True, in return, it eliminates other taxes. Undoubtedly, there will be individual winners or losers, but nobody should experience a large tax increase or cut.

The most important reason that this is not just another flat tax is that it is computed on a base consisting of compensation to labor and capital, rather than on "taxable income."  The definition of taxable income is and has always been the cause of all the complexity. Instead, the core tax is levied on a base that is transparent for all to see. Every company or sole proprietor knows its payroll including benefits and surely knows the cost of its capital.

Conservatives probably gasped when it was proposed to extend FICA to all income with no ceiling. But before liberals could smile, they realized that the entire income tax code for individuals and corporations was gone. True enough, all deductions vanished with it, along with marriage penalties, alternate minimum taxes (AMT), and billions of dollars in lobbyist income and campaign donations. The hundreds of billions of dollars spent annually to comply with the tax code would be available for more productive uses.

Since the core tax base does not depend on profitability, there would be no need for the complex rules defining legitimate non-profit organizations.  Just as for FICA today, they would be responsible for withholding a payroll-based tax. The difference is that it would capture more revenue from highly paid employees and the higher core rate.

The recent abuses by the IRS involving the classification of conservative political advocacy groups would no longer be possible. The need for all tax audits would be drastically reduced.

Simple objective rules require little enforcement. Less enforcement means less abuse by entrenched bureaucracies. Less abuse means less expense to taxpayers to fight abuse and more confidence in the system. All conservatives should favor this change.

Comparisons of the core tax to various flat tax proposals are inevitable. This totally misses the point. It is the core base that is the key to the core tax. Flat tax proposals only speak to the final calculation of tax liability.  The FAIR tax, a 23% sales tax, that some say is really a 30% sales tax, avoids some of the rules for income calculation, but requires extensive records and special income rules for rebates. The Heritage Foundation tax reform proposal is just an attempt to replace liberal social engineering with conservative social engineering. It is no simpler than the current system.

A mild objection occurs to me. Only outgoing cash flows get taxed. Salaries, benefits, interest, and dividends can't be sheltered. Only retained earnings could escape taxation.  It turns every firm into a potential 401K or IRA.  Given the low core tax rate, it seems unlikely to be abused. It could even be a real boon to the economy by leaving firms with internal capital to invest. If it does become a problem, laws "encouraging" firms to disgorge excess retained earnings to its owners could be passed.

Any proposed tax reforms which fail to address the complexity of the calculation of the tax base will fail to address the real problem. That is one of the selling points of the Fair Tax. The Core Tax Base is simpler, more transparent and incredibly efficient.

Current Tax Revenue

-             FICA Tax ......................................................................................................... $950

-             Individual Income Tax ................................................................................. $1350

-             Corporate Income Tax ................................................................................. $350

-             Excise Taxes, Tariffs, Interest Receipts, Estate and Gift Taxes, etc........ $250

-             Total ............................................................................................................... $2900

Other than the excise tax line, all the revenue is derived as a percent of income bases, where the definition of "income" is critical but subjective and unstable. The core tax base is simple and transparent. Because of overlapping categories, it is hard to glean precise figures from the various governmental sources, but as best as I can determine, the total core base for individuals and firms is around $12T. The 11% rate would raise around $2.6T (22% of $12T), matching current revenue  --  less the $250B from excise and other non-income-based taxes.

The core tax can be a double-edged sword.  After all, what is a mere 1% change? It sounds so small, but it means around a quarter of a trillion dollars in annual revenue. If the 11% rate went to 15%, it would balance the budget!  Can Congress be trusted with such power? My own simplistic view is to lock in a core rate of 10% or 11% in permanent law. Rates above that would always expire half way between Congressional elections. Each new Congress would have to deal with it.

There is still the issue of progressive rates. Nothing in the core tax base prevents it from supporting multiple brackets. My own preference is to keep it flat. But after the core tax rate, which everybody pays, a higher bracket (or more) could be added, as a percent surtax on the core tax base. As long as Congress stands firm against deductions and preferences, the core tax approach works well.

Riots and Liberals


By Christopher Chantrill


After a few nights of "youth" riots in Sweden, the ordinary Swedes had had enough. So they took to the streets to protect their property. Fortunately the police knew just what to do. They attacked the "vigilantes."
You can see the logic of that for our modern liberal ruling class. It's one thing for youths to riot in their welfare ghettos. Nothing much you can do about that except search for root causes and implement midnight basketball programs.
But when the crypto-fascists in the middle class start a sensible and practical effort to defend themselves from mayhem, that's different. There is no excuse for taking the law into your own hands. Why, before you know it, the H-guy will be taking over.
Nobody in the ruling class is telling the rioters that their behavior will be stopped and their rebellion crushed by any means necessary. That would be racist, or classist, or anti-religious bigotry. No, the ruling class immediately clamped down on the ordinary people that were responding to the age-old problem that when seconds count the police are minutes away.
Of course, vigilantism cannot be allowed to flourish, and a good source on the subject, as on many others, is General Sherman's Personal Memoirs. They had a little problem with vigilantism in San Francisco in the 1850s and young Captain W.T. Sherman, U.S. Army, had to sort it out.
A common problem in all these outrages in "youth" ghettos, according to Mickey Kaus, is welfare. It's natural for people in the immigrant ghettoes to mistrust the majority culture around them and for the native population to fear the immigrants.
[But] relatively generous welfare benefits enable those in the ethnic ghetto to stay there, stay unemployed, and seethe. Without government subsidies, they would have to overcome the prejudice against them and integrate into the mainstream working culture. Work, in this sense, is anti-terrorist medicine.
Of course, to liberals, the welfare ghetto is not a bug, it's a feature.
The whole point of liberal politics is to segregate the immigrants to the city from the regular population. Then, ideally, you seed the population with community organizers to keep them raging against The Man. In the 1930s the agitation was done by militant union leaders to rile up the white working class. In the 1960s, after the death of Martin Luther King, it was done by racist Reverends. To keep South Chicago dependent and angry and voting Democrat you need a chap like Reverend Wright to spew out the eliminationist rhetoric.
In the Rodney King riots our liberal friends kept carefully on script. It was simply a problem of police brutality. But there was one difference from the Swedish riots: In LA the liberal ruling class did not sic the cops on their rich liberal Hollywood pals when they guarded their property with shotguns.
Why do the liberals insist, every time, on taking the part of rioters in immigrant ghettos against the general population?
It is really quite simple, as I've explained before. Government is force. So government and the ruling class are always looking for a project that needs force, a crisis in which they can convince people that ordinary sociable cooperation won't do the job.
In the old days this force project took the form of a border war, where our adult males defend our sacred food-producing land from the evil invaders trying to grab it.
But the industrial revolution changed all that. Now wealth was not land but the capital inside men's heads. But where could government fit in all this? What place would there be for force in the new world of the invisible hand? That is what William James was considering in "The Moral Equivalent of War."
It turned out that there were two options. Politicians could make a scandal out of movements at war with the new industrial commercial order, and mobilize the people to fight them. That's what conservatives do when we fight Communism and radical Islam. The other option was to make a scandal out of the new order itself. You could declare the job-creating businessmen, the risk-assuming insurance companies, the ordinary consumer goods makers to be monsters that exploit and cheat workers and consumers. The only solution was to fight the robber barons to the death. That is what our liberal friends do.
But what happens if, e.g., the exploited working stiffs from the 1930s eventually get jobs and houses and cars and turn into Republicans?
It was the Sixties liberals that found an answer to that. You abolish upward mobility and segregate your underclass into welfare ghettos; then you sic the Reverend Wrights and the imams on them to make them seethe with rage.
And when, periodically, the segregated underclass erupts in riots, you blame the racist white middle-class majority.


End of Article********** 
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The New Barbarians

By Gary Horne

Recent abuses of power are a reminder that the barbarians are still with us, using the power of progressive government to punish anyone who dares oppose them. Barbarians have no regard for others and depend on plunder for their existence, as they have throughout history, taking from the productive by force.
J. Bronowski described the barbarian Genghis Khan in The Ascent of Man:
From AD 1200 to 1300 they made almost the last attempt to establish the supremacy of the robber who produces nothing and who, in his feckless way, comes to take from the peasant (who has nowhere to flee) the surplus that agriculture accumulates.
Modern plunderers realize they don't need Genghis Khan's horsemen, and can use the power of the state in place of the sword. Known by various names, the left, liberals, socialists, communists, progressives, et al., these new plunderers are able to corrupt the civilized rule of law, enlisting government as plunderer-in-chief. The most aggressive American plunderer is the radicalized Democratic Party, whose hold on power depends on distributing the loot. This, of course, requires the use of force. There is no box to check on the tax return, "I agree to contribute to the Plunderer's Fund."
The victim of plunder is not free, as Mark Levin remarks in Liberty and Tyranny:
In the civil society, private property and liberty and inseparable. The individual's right to live freely and safely and pursue happiness includes the right to acquire and possess property, which represents the fruits of his own intellectual and/or physical labor. As the individual's time on earth is finite, so, too, is his labor. The illegitimate denial or diminution of his private property enslaves him to another and denies him his liberty.
The American who has worked hard and earned his own surplus is no better off than the peasant confronted by a Mongol raid. At least the Mongols were honest. They came to plunder. They probably didn't tell the peasant, "We are just collecting your fair share." The new plunderers claim to be the champions of "the unfortunate" or "the poor," for who would dare to be against the unfortunate? Wealth redistribution by plunder is not compassion, and it is not charity. Charity is voluntary. Plunder is forbidden by all the major religions. The moral standard is not "Thou shalt steal for others," but "Thou shalt not steal."
Yet the left claims to hold the moral high ground. The peasant who desires to keep his surplus is called "selfish," while the plunderers are called "compassionate." The moral commandment of the left is "Extort thy neighbor." Government operating under this commandment abandons the rule of law, pits one citizen against another, and destroys the civil society.
In prehistoric times, the man with the biggest club won (and got the girl!). The barbarians continued the "biggest club society," wielding their swords against the helpless peasant. As societies became more civilized, plunder was more difficult. The Founders of the United States of America wrote the Constitution to protect the individual and his property against use of force. They abhorred the redistribution of wealth (plunder).
James Madison said:
Government is instituted to protect property of every sort.... This being the end of government, that alone is not a just government, ....nor is property secure under it, where the property which a man has in his personal safety and personal liberty is violated by arbitrary seizures of one class of citizens for the service of the rest.
And John Adams:
Property must be secured or liberty cannot exist.
For 130 years, Americans were protected by their Constitution against plunder, until the 16th Amendment opened the door. The Progressives rushed in while the courts eventually left us defenseless. The resulting tax system allows government social engineering that would otherwise be prohibited, such as providing cover for the implementation of the unconstitutional ObamaCare. Those in power can reward friends (corruption) and persecute political opponents (tyranny). Abuses by the IRS are not so much about misuse of power, but that a government organization with such power exists.
Unfortunately, Americans have gone along with this for a hundred years now. Today, to object to the power to plunder is to be vilified as some kind of unenlightened radical. The immoral concept that someone else has a "right" to the fruits of my labor, in essence turning me into a slave, has become entrenched into American life like a leech which cannot be burned off.
Unlike my parents' generation, many feel no shame in accepting the plundered loot, as if they somehow deserve it. They vote for it, some even lie to receive it. They are blind to tyranny as long as the check comes. They would be insulted to be called thieves. But if not thieves, how would one describe beneficiaries of extorted money?
Genghis Khan (after leaving his sword at the door) could give a speech to the Democratic Convention to rousing applause. After all, wasn't it "unfair" his people didn't have as much as the peasant they raided? Since they are the "unfortunates," don't they have a "right" to free health care, free legal advice, free food, and even free condoms? Should you not want to give it to them, the IRS will make you an offer you cannot refuse. The power to plunder has no place in a free society. The new barbarians have legislative titles, work in government agencies, and wear judicial robes. But underneath is the sword of Genghis Khan.

********** 
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‘You guys wasted your whole time with your revolution’

Mark Steyn on IRS hearings: ‘You guys wasted your whole time with your revolution’

On Michael Graham’s Massachusetts-based radio show on Thursday, National Review columnist Mark Steyn reacted to the treatment of Lois Lerner, the now-suspended head of the Internal Revenue Service’s division on tax-exempt organizations.
Lerner, who had asserted her Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination during an appearance before the House Oversight Committee in a hearing on Wednesday, was the object of ridicule by Steyn on the show.
“Is this a republic or is it not?” Steyn said. “Because, if it is what a republic is then you guys wasted your whole time with your revolution — because they are basically saying we are the king’s courtiers and we do not have to account to you for what’s going on, but you have to account for us. Complete waste of time, the revolution.”
According to the National Review columnist, Lerner’s decision to not participate in the congressional inquiry represented the federal government’s position.
“Let’s be clear about this — she is the government,” he said. “There’s no reason why anyone — if she is still employed by the IRS, which is a branch of the United States Treasury, which is a branch of the United States government — then she is not speaking as an individual. She is speaking as the government, the government. And she has still got her job. In effect, the United States government has just pleaded the fifth. That’s absolutely ridiculous.”

Enough With the Bipartisanship

Republicans plus Democrats doesn’t equal good policy.
In 1987, on the evening of her third general election victory as leader of the Conservative Party, the late and great Margaret Thatcher gave a speech before her constituents in the district of Finchley. It was mostly boilerplate stuff—thanking the voters, praising the poll watchers. But there was also something distinctly un-American going on: the address was constantly being interrupted by hecklers. Every time jeers broke out, Thatcher would smile, durable and unflappable, until quiet was restored.
This is how politics works in Britain, where it’s expected that the nation’s leader can handle an occasional boo or insult. The most familiar illustration of this is Prime Minister’s Questions, where the prime minister engages in a rapid-fire debate with the leader of the opposition while backbenchers hoot and holler. And this is tame compared to many other countries. In 2008, the South Korean parliament had 47 cases of “parliamentary disorder” a polite term for “brawl.”
But here in America, politics is a far more sterile affair. It’s expected that constituents will respect lawmakers, and it’s expected that lawmakers will work with other lawmakers to pass legislation. “Bipartisanship” and “reaching across the aisle” are hallowed terms. Ideologies are held suspect, disagreements are muted, and anger is considered bad form.
When Rep. Joe Wilson shouted, “You lie!” during a presidential speech in 2009, Washington’s elite spent weeks in high dudgeon. It was a uniquely American crisis. As one perplexed British commentator noted, “insulting Gordon Brown is practically an obligation.”
It was this regime of courtesies that produced the immigration bill that cleared the Senate Judiciary Committee this week. After the presidential election, with Republicans reeling from low Hispanic support, the media was giddy with anticipation over a compromise on immigration. It mattered little that an immigration bill wasn’t needed, or that Latino voters don’t consider immigration a high priority. Bipartisanship was in the air.
So the usual motions began. The Senate formed a Gang of Eight (only in Congress are compromising cliques called “gangs”), while everyone speculated in hushed tones whether Sen. Marco Rubio, considered on-the-fence on immigration, would join the effort. A bill was hammered out. Amendments were added and subtracted, including one that would have protected same-sex couples under the immigration system. It was withdrawn, naturally, because lawmakers were worried “the coalition would fall apart,” according to Sen. Lindsey Graham.
These are nearly the same circumstances that led to the Simpson-Mazzoli Act, Congress’s failed attempt to control illegal immigration in 1986. The bill was a collaborative effort between Republican Sen. Alan Simpson and Democratic Rep. Romano Mazzoli. It was widely hailed as a bipartisan effort; consensus fetishist David Broder praised Simpson-Mazzoli as a “compromise among strong economic and political interests.” The law passed a Democrat House, a Republican Senate, and was signed into law by President Ronald Reagan.
Twenty years later, Simpson-Mazzoli was widely regarded as a failure that had granted amnesty to illegal immigrants while doing nothing to control the border. Sen. Chuck Grassley, no panting partisan, admitted in 2007 that he’d been wrong to vote for the act. “I found out…if you reward illegality, you get more of it,” he said. Ditto Sen. Byron Dorgan: “I heard all the promises of the Simpson-Mazzoli Act. None of them were true, and three million people got amnesty.”
Immigration isn’t the only issue where niceties are mandated. In 2001, newly elected president George W. Bush decided he wanted to work with Democrats in Congress to do something about education. So backs were slapped and hands were shaken. Sen. Ted Kennedy was invited to the White House for a movie screening. The resulting No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) was co-sponsored by Kennedy, and amounted to little more than a consolidation of federal education power. The one initiative that might have ameliorated the plight of inner-city students—school vouchers—was stripped out during negotiations.
Bush signed NCLB into law and everyone patted themselves on the backs. Today it’s regarded as one of the great policy flops of our time. Per the Washington Post: “A review of a decade of evidence demonstrates that NCLB has failed badly both in terms of its own goals and more broadly. It has neither significantly increased academic performance nor significantly reduced achievement gaps, even as measured by standardized exams.”
Yet the bipartisan machine grinds on. The criticism most commonly leveled at Republicans over Obamacare is that they refused to find common ground with Democrats. Sen. Ted Cruz is called a monster for showing a scintilla of condescension when addressing Sen. Dianne Feinstein. The Tea Party is attacked for being inflexible.
It’s all based on the flawed premise that bipartisan is better. Imagine a line with two poles at the end, one labeled “liberal” and the other labeled “conservative.” Simply because a law occupies a median point on the line doesn’t mean that it’s somehow more virtuous—or even remotely effective.
It’s also misleading to measure conservative and liberal principles on this sort of linear scale. Liberals believe that the federal government should tinker with society to make people’s lives better. Conservatives generally don’t think Congress has any business solving such problems. It’s difficult to argue that a federal law draws from both liberal and conservative principles when conservatives oppose federal intervention in the first place.
“Don’t take refuge in the false security of consensus,” Christopher Hitchens once said. Today that false security rules Washington. Rather than succumb to it, Republicans should stand pat and swing away. It’s better for government to disagree and do nothing than to come together and pass anything.
So bring on the heckles and let the guffaws sound from the dispatch boxes. Our liberties are safest when politicians are beating each other with olive branches, not when they’re extending them.

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Cues from Above: The White House and the IRS By Charles Krauthammer


The scandal might not go all the way up, but the climate of intolerance does.
 
By  Charles Krauthammer 
 

A Person of Privilege?

Lois Lerner was too clever by half.
 
By  Fred Thompson 
 

A Fifth of Obama


By  Andrew C. McCarthy 
 

The Real Voter Suppression of 2012


Voter ID didn’t reduce turnout, but the IRS may have.
 
By  John Fund 
 

Sen. Ted Cruz: 'I don’t trust Republicans'

By Ramsey Cox 

Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) said Wednesday that he doesn’t trust members of his own party to negotiate a budget conference report.
Cruz's remark came after Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) said he thought it was “bizarre” that a member of his own party was objecting to forming a conference committee with the House to work out a budget.
McCain said the objections suggested Senate Republicans didn’t trust House Republicans to hold the party line in negotiations.

“Isn’t it a little bizarre, this whole exercise?” McCain said after Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) objected to going to conference. “What we’re saying is that we don’t trust our colleagues on the other side of the Capitol.”Cruz responded that he doesn't trust Republicans.
“The senior senator of Arizona urged senators to trust House Republicans ... and frankly, I don’t trust Republicans,” Cruz said. “It’s the leaders of both parties that got us in this mess. ... A lot of Republicans were complicit in this spending spree.”

Read more: http://thehill.com/video/senate/301329-cruz-i-dont-trust-republicans#ixzz2U7ISDCDh
End of Article  
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Undoing the Brainwashing by Thomas Sowell

Thomas Sowell
This time of year, as college students return home for the summer, many parents may notice how many politically correct ideas they have acquired on campus. Some of those parents may wonder how they can undo some of the brainwashing that has become so common in what are supposed to be institutions of higher learning.
The strategy used by General Douglas MacArthur so successfully in the Pacific during World War II can be useful in this very different kind of battle. General MacArthur won his victories while minimizing his casualties -- something that is also desirable in clashes of ideas within the family.
Instead of fighting the Japanese for every island stronghold as the Americans advanced toward Japan, MacArthur sent his troops into battle for only those islands that were strategically crucial. In the same spirit, parents who want to bring their brainwashed offspring back to reality need not try to combat every crazy idea they picked up from their politically correct professors. Just demolishing a few crucial beliefs, and exposing what nonsense they are, can deal a blow to the general credibility of the professorial pied pipers.
For example, if the student has been led to join the crusade for more gun control, and thinks that the reason the British have lower murder rates than Americans have is because the Brits have tighter gun control laws, just give him or her a copy of the book "Guns and Violence" by Joyce Lee Malcolm.
As the facts in that book demolish the gun control propaganda fed to students by their professors, that can create a healthy skepticism about other professorial propaganda.
There are other books that can likewise demolish other politically correct beliefs that prevail on campuses. My own recent book, "Intellectuals and Race," has innumerable documented facts that expose the fallacies in most of what is said about racial issues in most college classrooms.
For those students who have bought the campus party line on Third World nations, the classic study of that subject is "Equality, the Third World, and Economic Delusion" by the late P.T. Bauer of the London School of Economics. He made a veritable demolition derby of most of what has been said in politically correct circles about the relationship between rich and poor countries.
For those students who have been conditioned to regard the welfare state as the solution to social problems, there is no book that exposes the actual human consequences of the welfare state more poignantly than "Life at the Bottom" by British physician Theodore Dalrymple. He has worked in both low-income neighborhoods and in prisons, so he has seen it all.
Although Britain is the setting for "Life at the Bottom," Americans will recognize very similar patterns here. Problems found in low-income black ghettoes in the United States are found in low-income white neighborhoods in Britain, where none of the usual excuses about racism, slavery, etc., apply. The only thing that is the same in both countries is the welfare state and its poisonous ideology.
If your student has been led to believe that "comprehensive immigration reform" -- amnesty, in plain English -- is the only way to go, a devastating book titled "Mexifornia," by Victor Davis Hanson, introduces some cold, factual reality into a subject usually discussed in sweeping and lofty rhetoric.
A book that offers a choice between the island-hopping strategy that General MacArthur used in the Pacific and the all-out assault across a broad front that was used by the Allied armies in Europe is titled "The New Leviathan."
It has thirteen penetrating articles by leading authorities on such subjects as national security, ObamaCare, environmentalism, election frauds and more.
Those parents who want to follow the MacArthur strategy can recommend reading one, or a few, of these articles, while those who want to follow the strategy of attacking all across a broad front can recommend that their student read the whole book.
However the battle is fought, what is most important is that the battle be fought, since the young are the future, and the propaganda of today can become the government policies of tomorrow.

End of Article  
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If you found this article useful and enlightening, please consider my published book which contains other insight and understanding on problems and solutions facing our country.

The book is available at amazon.com at the link here:
http://www.amazon.com/This-U-S-Citizen-Thoughts-Concerns/dp/1451509979/ 
 
This U.S. Citizen   
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